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Neocolonial Dragons

October 19, 2011 Leave a comment Go to comments

Neocolonial Dragons
Ronald Roy  –October 19, 2011

       To this day,America’s post-World War II neocolonial policy has remained steadfastly resistant to our country’s industrialization, and the reasons therefor are cited in an American document known as the Dodds Report. We shall take up this report in greater detail in a future article.

       Suffice it to say that the document is proof ofAmerica’s betrayal of the Filipino people. This treachery reflects a policy that would rather see us languishing as the economic doormat or laggard in the third world, than fully industrialized to the detriment of American interests (particularly as regards preserving the PH as a raw material economy for the rapid post-war rehabilitation of Japan), a policy that nearly had Filipino nationalist Sen. Claro M. Recto assassinated by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).

       Raymond Bonner the American author of the famous book on the Marcos dictatorship “Waltzing with a Dictator”, wrote:

“The CIA set about to destroy Recto… It planted stories that he was a Communist Chinese agent who had infiltrated into the Philippine senate. To derail Recto’s electoral (presidential, i.e.) ambitions, the agency prepared packages of condoms, which it labeled ‘Courtesy of Claro M. Recto—the people’s friend’. The condoms had pinprick-size holes in them at the most inappropriate place. xxx The CIA went further. The CIA station chief, Gen Ralph B. Lovett, and the American Ambassador, Admiral Spruance, discussed assassinating Recto, going so far as to prepare a substance for poisoning him, an assassination plot that had not been discussed before.”

       In light of the foregoing, there appears to be no reason to dismiss the decades-old theory that Ferdinand Marcos and Ninoy Aquino, both known rabid proponents of PH’s post-World War II industrialization, were on the rub-out list of the CIA.

       Marcos’ fall was brilliantly carried out by the US State Department. It will be recalled that he bit into the department’s bait to call a snap election. When the non-government quick-count organization NAMFREL— which I then personally perceived as an unwitting American stooge—was nearing the end of its count of pro-Cory Aquino votes coming from nearby opposition bailiwicks, and with the massive torrents of pro-Marcos votes about to gush forth from the rest of the country, that infamous COMELEC walkout took place.

        This was the setting that foreshadowed the eventual departure from the scene of perhaps two of the fiercest rivals in our country’s political history.

       In the case of Aquino, his bloody tarmac demise would spark a worldwide outrage against the dictator Marcos. In the latter’s case, the CIA’s solution would be less messy.

       Having found allies in Jaime Cardinal Sin, Juan Ponce Enrile, Fidel Ramos and a motley handful of misguided demonstrators and reveling picnickers assembled at a street corner, CIA operators would simply fly him out toHawaii.

       To this day, political pundits ponder the question as to whether the two— both key personalities deemed dangerous to America’s neocolonial interests (dragons, I call them) because of their industrialization quests— were targeted in an ingenious CIA maneuver to hit two birds with one stone. Well, I would say yes, most plausibly.

       In retrospect, President Ferdinand Marcos wanted to erect our nation as a Newly-Industrialized Country (NIC) to keep in step with the other NICs in the region, But his vision, anchored on two core projects of a total of eleven—the steel mill and petrochemical projects—was obstructed by his own technocrats who announced a warning that feasibility studies would disclose some of the projects not to be viable.

       Then subsequently came the shattering revelation by an American scholar Robin Broad, who said in her book “Unequal Alliance”, that “xxx conveniently ignored were documents and announcements on the major industrial projects that had cited completed, favorable feasibility studies for the whole group xxx”

       Marcos eventually lambasted his technocrats for being part of an IMF-World Bank plot to insure that our country would remain under the industrial countries (Times Journal, May, 24, 1982). Parenthetically, the strongman’s diatribe rings loud today, and no better proof of it can be seen than in our gut-wrenching reliance on human labor as our major export item.

       Be that as it may, Japan, the beneficiary of the shelving of Marcos’ industrialization blueprint, invested BOI Chairman Vicente Paterno with the highest honors given to foreign citizens, in recognition of the vital role he played in creating what would be today’s crushing milieu of hunger, joblessness clinical depression, corruption and criminality.

       That is of course an ungracious hyperbole, because Paterno deserves not to be singled out, although he did confess that “Even as Minister of Industry (he) had held that ‘industry should take a back seat to agriculture’. ” (Business Day, Oct 7, 1982).

       Paterno’s remark was a veritable commandment, one might say, in the theology of American economics, inscribed in American textbooks and read by students of his campus days, as well as those of ensuing generations.

       My granddaughter, Jessica, will be reading the same school materials next semester at the Ateneo de Manila University, where she intends to enroll as a college freshman. Her parents have so decided, no doubt, because of the much-touted boast that Ateneo’s curricula and American-trained tutors provide the best education in the country.

        But can Jessica— she who is irreversibly drenched in iPhone andHollywoodculture— learn to become a better Filipino? IsLoyolaHeightsthe right place for studying the neocolonial dragons that she may need to slay in the future?

       Come to think of it, if I may ask point-blank: P-Noy, how will you deal with our neocolonial problems?! What?! You don’t know what I mean?! Holy s**t!!

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